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2009 - 2019 A decade for independence

On September 13, 2009, the small Maresme town of Arenys de Munt made history by holding a local referendum on the independence of Catalonia. Despite the best efforts of the state authorities to halt and discredit it, the success of the vote turned out to be the spark that led to the current movement demanding the right to self-determination

Be­fore the protest in Brus­sels in March 2009 or the rul­ing on the Statute of Au­ton­omy that brought thou­sands onto the streets in 2010, be­fore the non-bind­ing ref­er­en­dum on No­vem­ber 9, 2014, and well be­fore the uni­lat­eral ref­er­en­dum on Oc­to­ber 1, 2017, there was one small town where it all began.

On Sep­tem­ber 13, 2009, Arenys de Munt, a town in Maresme county with just over 8,000 in­hab­i­tants, or­gan­ised the first vote on Cat­alo­nia’s in­de­pen­dence. Some 2,671 took part out of a po­ten­tial 6,500 vot­ers, with 96.6% an­swer­ing yes to the ques­tion: Do you agree with Cat­alo­nia being an in­de­pen­dent, de­mo­c­ra­tic and so­cial state, and part of the Eu­ro­pean Union? It was the first vic­tory for the in­de­pen­dence move­ment in the face of a state bent on dis­cred­it­ing the vote. Yet, this had the op­po­site ef­fect and be­tween 2009 and 2011 some 553 Cata­lan mu­nic­i­pal­i­ties fol­lowed suit.

It took over three in­tense months to make the vote, known as 13S, a re­al­ity, after the local coun­cil passed a mo­tion of sup­port on June 4. The mo­tion was pre­sented by the pro-in­de­pen­dence CUP party on be­half of the Movi­ment Arenyenc per a l’Au­tode­ter­mi­nació (MAPA), the or­gan­iser of the only in­de­pen­dence vote to be held any­where in the coun­try to that point. The dri­ving force be­hind the ini­tia­tive was his­to­rian Jordi Bil­beny, who points out that the seed for the ref­er­en­dum was planted well be­fore. “It was al­ready out there when we re­or­gan­ised MAPA in Arenys de Munt, and when with Jordi Colomer we started CUP in the mu­nic­i­pal­ity in 2007 we in­cluded the pro­posal for an elec­toral pro­gramme,” says Bil­beny.

As a test case, the or­gan­is­ers set up a coun­cil vote on paving over a local wa­ter­way, a com­plex issue that had caused a lot of ten­sion in the town. “We were part of the Salvem la Riera protest group and we looked deeply into the leg­is­la­tion on ref­er­en­dums. In one meet­ing, one mem­ber, Pep Jor­dana, asked the key ques­tion: Now we know the lim­its laid down by the au­thor­i­ties, why don’t we hold a ref­er­en­dum on in­de­pen­dence?” re­calls Josep Manel Xi­me­nis, for­mer CUP coun­cil­lor and co­or­di­na­tor of the Comissió Or­gan­itzadora de la Con­sulta, the com­mis­sion that or­gan­ised the vote. That led to a mo­tion for the local coun­cil to sup­port the Ini­cia­tiva Leg­isla­tiva Pop­u­lar (ILP) that the as­so­ci­a­tions be­hind it wanted to put to par­lia­ment to ap­prove a self-de­ter­mi­na­tion ref­er­en­dum on Sep­tem­ber 12, 2010. “In the text and with all the will in the world we sub­tly in­cluded a re­quest for the coun­cil to allow MAPA to use the town hall for a vote under the terms in the ILP, but in this case on Sep­tem­ber 13, 2010,” says Xi­me­nis. The mo­tion was car­ried with 11 votes in favour and 2 against.

The next step was to pro­mote it in the media, lo­cally and then na­tion­ally. “We didn’t have much time and there was a lot of work to do. Par­lia­ment’s fail­ure to ac­cept the ILP for de­bate in June with the ex­cuse that it did not have the pow­ers to de­cide on Cat­alo­nia’s self-de­ter­mi­na­tion made hold­ing the ref­er­en­dum in Arenys more rel­e­vant,” says the co­or­di­na­tor.

The ma­chin­ery began to run at full steam. A few days after the mo­tion passed, the or­gan­is­ing com­mis­sion was set up. “It was a body open to all, for peo­ple of all types who shared a com­mon ob­jec­tive of guar­an­tee­ing the vote’s cred­i­bil­ity and, es­pe­cially, spread­ing the word,” says com­mis­sion mem­ber, Xavier Mas.

The close­ness to sum­mer did not help get­ting word out in the media, but that did not stop the or­gan­is­ers. “We de­voted al­most all our time to it be­cause we were aware of the im­por­tance of the event going off well,” says Mas. Dur­ing July the struc­ture of the ref­er­en­dum began to take shape, and among the steps taken was the ap­proval of the vote’s slo­gan: 13S We begin to De­cide, and the logo fea­tur­ing a bal­lot box. Posters were hung, the web­site went up, and even an an­them was cre­ated. The or­gan­is­ers also took ad­van­tage of the Tour de France, which was to pass through the town, to give the vote more pub­lic­ity. “We put up a huge Cata­lan flag over the main road with a ban­ner with the name of Arenys de Munt that was on a lot of TV chan­nels,” says Xi­me­nis.

The role of the Falange

In July, leaflets from the far-right group, the Falange Española, began to ap­pear in let­ter boxes. The ma­te­r­ial at­tacked the vote and tried to dis­credit the or­gan­is­ers. Graf­fiti also ap­peared in the form of tar­gets with the name of CUP or Xi­me­nis. “The aim was clear, they wanted to gen­er­ate fear among the lo­cals and turn the pub­lic against us,” says Xi­me­nis. The cam­paign by the far-right would not end there, and in Au­gust they re­quested per­mis­sion from the Cata­lan au­thor­i­ties to protest out­side the town hall on Sep­tem­ber 13. The coun­cil pro­posed chang­ing the lo­ca­tion of the protest, re­port­ing con­cerns to the po­lice about the protest and the vote tak­ing place to­gether. The au­thor­i­ties gave the Falange per­mis­sion to demon­strate on Sep­tem­ber 13 in Plaça Catalunya, later post­pon­ing it by a week. That led the group to com­plain to the high court in Cat­alo­nia (TJSC), which al­lowed the protest on Sep­tem­ber 13, but away from the vot­ing.

“These in­ci­dents with the Falange spurred on many peo­ple who were un­de­cided and over­came the fear even though the threat was real,” says Xi­me­nis.

Every­thing sped up in the weeks lead­ing up to Sep­tem­ber 13. The ini­tia­tive got sup­port from pub­lic fig­ures, with then pres­i­dent Pasqual Mara­gall first among them. The Junta Aval­u­adora de la Con­sulta was also set up, which had the role of an elec­toral com­mis­sion in an elec­tion. “The ref­er­en­dum had to have all the guar­an­tees and be scrupu­lous so as to main­tain cred­i­bil­ity,” says then MP, Uriel Bertran, who was a mem­ber of the com­mis­sion.

The role of the state

Sep­tem­ber began with the an­nounce­ment that the state was chal­leng­ing the mo­tion passed by the local coun­cil in an at­tempt to halt the vote. The ini­tia­tive was a headache for then prime min­is­ter, Rodríguez Za­p­a­tero. A Barcelona court pro­vi­sion­ally sus­pended the ap­proval of the mo­tion, and four days be­fore the vote, the TSJC ruled that the local coun­cil could not allow mu­nic­i­pal fa­cil­i­ties to be used for the vote, while also grant­ing the Falange the right to protest on that day. “An agree­ment was quickly reached with the Cen­tre Moral to use its premises,” says Xi­me­nis.

On Cat­alo­nia’s Na­tional Day on Sep­tem­ber 11, the ref­er­en­dum or­gan­is­ers re­ceived wide­spread sup­port. Bil­beny and Car­les Móra headed the march on that day and were the first to ad­dress the crowds. “Hear­ing thou­sands of peo­ple cry­ing “We are all from Arenys de Munt” was a for­mi­da­ble ex­pe­ri­ence and showed us that we had cho­sen the right way to re­cover the dig­nity of the peo­ple,” says the his­to­rian.

Media in­ter­est

De­spite the au­thor­i­ties in Madrid dis­miss­ing the vote as a local pop­u­lar event of lit­tle im­por­tance, Sep­tem­ber 13 gen­er­ated a lot of in­ter­est in the in­ter­na­tional media, and more than 300 pro­fes­sion­als re­ceived ac­cred­i­ta­tion. Arenys de Munt had been put on the map. Cor­re­spon­dent, Gary Gib­son, who was prepar­ing a re­port on the re­la­tion­ship be­tween Cat­alo­nia and Spain for the BBC re­mem­bers being caught up in the en­thu­si­asm. “Every­one treated it like a party, a cel­e­bra­tion of democ­racy, al­though that did not stop the vot­ing process being treated with rig­or­ous pro­to­col,” he says.

Vot­ing began at 9am and the queues in front of the Cen­tre Moral began early, show­ing that the peo­ple of Arenys wanted to get in­volved. Around noon, mem­bers of the Falange ar­rived in a coach, es­corted by the Cata­lan po­lice. They were re­ceived by dozens of lo­cals who im­pro­vised a cassero­lada (a protest by bang­ing pots and pans) so that the right-wing spokesman could barely be heard. “There weren’t even a hun­dred of them and they lim­ited them­selves to shout­ing slo­gans and wav­ing Span­ish flags. When they were leav­ing a group of anti-es­tab­lish­ment young­sters barred the coach’s way, but we talked to them and the mat­ter went no fur­ther. The only in­ci­dent was a bro­ken win­dow on the bus,” says Mas.

Mean­while, the ref­er­en­dum went ahead. Xi­me­nis says that from the first they had wanted a pro­gramme of ac­tiv­i­ties, from mu­si­cal per­for­mances to pa­rades, that would strengthen the fes­ti­val at­mos­phere, a strat­egy “that has been re­peated in the other ref­er­en­dums since,” he says.

At 8pm the cen­tre closed and the vote count­ing began under the watch­ful eyes of the mem­bers of the Junta Aval­u­adora. Two hours later, Xi­me­nis and other mem­bers of the com­mis­sion came out and an­nounced the re­sults. The over­whelm­ing vic­tory of the ’yes’ vote led to wide­spread joy. “After so much ef­fort, pres­sure and threats, it was an au­then­tic mo­ment of emo­tion and joy for hav­ing achieved what we had set out to do: ex­er­cise our right to de­cide,” says Xi­me­nis, while Bil­beny adds: “We did more than hold a ref­er­en­dum, we lifted the peo­ple and re­stored their dig­nity.” Both men in­sist that the road to in­de­pen­dence “has no re­verse gear”. “The pub­lic is sure of it, what we lack are the po­lit­i­cal lead­ers to make it hap­pen,” they con­clude.

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fea­ture

“Sweating the shirt”

Since 2012, the Catalan National Assembly (ANC) has managed to achieve increasing recognition for Catalan National Day, which has grown from a routine meeting of thousands of people to become a large show of support for independence

Sweating the shirt, literally, and each year in a different colour, is what an average of more than 1.5 million Catalans have done over the last seven National Days, motivated by the ANC’s organisation and with the support of the Association of Municipalities for Independence and Òmnium Cultural.

Following the mass demonstration against cuts in the Statute on July 10, 2010, it was the 2012 National Day that saw the return of the traditional September 11 demonstration, which at the beginning of the decade had not seen anywhere near the numbers reached in the second half of the seventies, the largest Catalan demos.

With a purely pro-independence discourse and impeccable logistics based on volunteers and the sale of T-shirts for funding, the National Day once again became a barometer of Catalan pro-independence sentiment.

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