Features

Pro-Russian pseudo-neutrality

On Feb­ru­ary 23, the Ger­man news­pa­per Der Spiegel pub­lished news of the ne­go­ti­a­tions be­tween the Russ­ian army and the Chi­nese com­pany Bingo In­tel­li­gent Avi­a­tion Tech­nol­ogy to buy one hun­dred at­tack drones. US of­fi­cials then claimed that Rus­sia was also try­ing to buy mor­tar can­nons, the most lethal weapons used in the Ukrain­ian war, as it had nearly used up the sup­plies it had ob­tained from Be­larus and North Korea. Until that date, China had only sent ma­te­ri­als such as hel­mets or air­craft parts, but a change in po­si­tion­ing that in­cluded the sup­ply of weapons might not only change the course of the war, cur­rently being won by Ukraine, but could also help Rus­sia cir­cum­vent West­ern sanc­tions by send­ing it highly tech­no­log­i­cal com­po­nents for drones, cruise mis­siles and other pre­ci­sion weapons. Hence the im­pact of this an­nounce­ment world­wide. How­ever, it is not yet clear whether these spec­u­lated ship­ments have ma­te­ri­alised.

Firstly, the Chi­nese lead­er­ship is di­vided on the issue. On the one hand, it does not want to see Rus­sia hu­mil­i­ated by Amer­ica, whom it ac­cuses of pro­long­ing the war for its own in­ter­ests. On the other, its lead­ers are ir­ri­tated that the arms ne­go­ti­a­tions have been made pub­lic, be­cause if not done se­cretly and out­side in­ter­na­tional scrutiny, China loses any image of neu­tral­ity that would allow it to me­di­ate in the peace process, for which it even pub­lished a twelve-point plan on Feb­ru­ary 24.

It is also im­por­tant to take into ac­count the in­ter­na­tional con­text in which these ne­go­ti­a­tions have been made pub­lic, with the world in­creas­ingly di­vided, evok­ing the days of the Cold War. On one side, there is the West, led by the US and based on the val­ues of democ­racy, free­dom and the rule of law. On the other, China and Rus­sia, who de­clared a “bound­less friend­ship” just be­fore the start of the war. China cares about the weak­en­ing of the West in order to weaken the in­ter­na­tional power struc­ture, which it be­lieves pro­motes the in­ter­ests of lib­eral democ­ra­cies and does not give it the weight it de­serves as one of the world’s great­est pow­ers. It is for this rea­son that it has cre­ated par­al­lel in­fra­struc­tures where it has the ma­jor­ity power and mim­ics the power struc­ture cre­ated after WWII.

Even so, China is one of the biggest de­fend­ers of na­tional sov­er­eignty and ter­ri­to­r­ial in­tegrity, so de­fend­ing the war in Ukraine cre­ates ir­rec­on­cil­able dilem­mas. This is based on the fact that Bei­jing’s main ar­gu­ment for claim­ing Tai­wan as an in­te­gral part of its ter­ri­tory, and there­fore its non-recog­ni­tion and po­ten­tial re­uni­fi­ca­tion or in­va­sion, is the fact that the is­land was owned by China be­fore the civil war that gave con­trol to the com­mu­nist regime. Whether it in­vades Tai­wan or sends weapons to Rus­sia, one thing is cer­tain: China would face West­ern sanc­tions that it can­not af­ford right now.

We are en­ter­ing a par­a­digm shift that will re­shape the world order. After WWII, the pre­vail­ing norm was free trade and di­a­logue, with the aim of pre­vent­ing a con­flict of this size again. For this rea­son, a se­ries of mul­ti­lat­eral in­sti­tu­tions such as the UN and the WTO were cre­ated to act as mul­ti­lat­eral fo­rums in which diplo­macy re­placed war.

It is worth not­ing that the Chi­nese econ­omy does not only de­pend on the West, since it also has a great en­ergy de­pen­dence on Rus­sia, so it is in­ter­ested in find­ing a way out of the war that does not in­ter­rupt a con­tin­u­ous and safe sup­ply of gas and oil.

Also worth not­ing is that in a post-war sce­nario, China could play a key role in pre­vent­ing Putin and his regime from fac­ing in­ter­na­tional courts of jus­tice. As a non-sig­na­tory to the Hague Con­ven­tion, it is un­likely that Putin would be tried by the In­ter­na­tional Court of Jus­tice for crimes against hu­man­ity. A pos­si­ble al­ter­na­tive would be the cre­ation of a spe­cial tri­bunal within the UN to try war crimes. As a mem­ber of the UN Se­cu­rity Coun­cil with veto power, China could well pre­vent this from ever hap­pen­ing, act­ing as a guar­an­tor of im­punity for Putin and his regime.

China’s de­ci­sion re­gard­ing the ship­ment of weapons to Rus­sia is com­pli­cated, then. On the one hand, it has the po­ten­tial to change the course of the war, which could es­ca­late the global con­flict. On the other, China at­taches key im­por­tance to in­ter­per­sonal re­la­tions based on trust, and with the leak of ne­go­ti­a­tions it feels that this trust has been be­trayed, which makes it dif­fi­cult for it to send the weapons. More­over, hav­ing been made pub­lic, it is cer­tain that, if it did, it would face sanc­tions that are very harm­ful to its econ­omy and would ir­re­versibly worsen its image as a me­di­at­ing and peace­ful power. Ul­ti­mately, this de­ci­sion de­pends only on one man – Xi Jin­ping. It is to be hoped that Chi­nese an­cient wis­dom will ac­com­pany it.

In­ter­na­tional

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