Interview

Jaume Roures

REPUBLICAN OF THE YEAR AWARD Readers and subscribers of La Republica voted to acknowledge the producer’s professional and personal career

THE CATALAN CASE “The pressure on the Spanish people from the Catalan issue means that those who sympathise or are democrats don’t dare express it”
THE DIRTY GAME “There are people who argue that there’s no state if there are no sewers. Politicians, judges and even journalists think this.” negotiation “There’s a much broader margin for negotiation if it’s done with intelligence”
THE TRIAL “I think the judgment is already made. It’s just a matter of passing sentence.”
THE PRISONERS “The prisoners can’t become the excuse, because what’s important is to see concrete actions to resolve it.”
THE FUTURE “The change of government in Madrid opens up some doors that were previously unopened. We need to approach them intelligently and without making much noise.”

Read­ers of La República have voted Jaume Roures Re­pub­li­can of the Year, the film pro­ducer pip­ping cook Ada Par­el­lada and foot­ball coach Pep Guardi­ola to the award. His pro-ref­er­en­dum stance and de­fence of po­lit­i­cal pris­on­ers, but as a non-in­de­pen­dence sup­porter, make him a much lis­tened to voice in cir­cles that ex­tend well be­yond the pro-sov­er­eignty and even re­pub­li­can spheres. Re­spon­si­ble as ei­ther di­rec­tor or pro­ducer for the doc­u­men­taries Les claveg­ueres d’In­te­rior (The Sew­ers of the In­te­rior Min­istry) and those ded­i­cated to the events of 1-O and 20-S, Roures has of­fered a coun­ter­point to the of­fi­cial his­tory being im­posed by the four pow­ers of the Span­ish state. From his Me­di­apro watch­tower, Roures has been and con­tin­ues to be one of the cen­tral char­ac­ters in the evo­lu­tion of the media land­scape in re­la­tion to Eu­rope. How­ever, our con­ver­sa­tion fo­cuses mainly on these del­i­cate po­lit­i­cal times in Cat­alo­nia.

Your doc­u­men­tary Les claveg­ueres d’In­te­rior was first shown in May 2017. In hind­sight, it only re­vealed a lit­tle of the quag­mire. Was that also your per­cep­tion when you made the doc­u­men­tary?

We had many per­cep­tions, but we only had the ev­i­dence we showed, be­cause if you don’t want to lose cred­i­bil­ity from a jour­nal­is­tic point of view, you can only base your work on what you have. We showed what we had that was cor­rob­o­rated by the po­lice. Be­cause, let’s not kid our­selves, what gives this doc­u­men­tary its power are the state­ments by the po­lice. We’re now work­ing on the sec­ond part, in­ves­ti­gat­ing who fi­nanced every­thing be­yond the money from the Min­istry of the In­te­rior. In ini­tial con­ver­sa­tions, we’ve al­ready seen that large pri­vate com­pa­nies are in­volved, and we’re now work­ing on this issue.

How is it pos­si­ble to build up a para-of­fi­cial es­pi­onage net­work of such mag­ni­tude?

The theme of state sew­ers is not one we’ve just dis­cov­ered, but has been re­cur­rent through­out this cen­tury and be­fore. The theme ex­ists and I don’t want to say that it will con­tinue to exist be­cause I still trust in hu­man­ity, but it ex­ists, also be­cause from the out­side it is un­der­stood that we al­ready know things hap­pen that mean the state has to have sew­ers. Politi­cians, judges and even jour­nal­ists think this. To put it bluntly, many see the case of Vil­larejo as being nec­es­sary. That is, they pun­ish him but in the end he is part of dirty wars that are ul­ti­mately nec­es­sary. There are peo­ple who argue that there is no state if there are no sew­ers. That’s the worst thing about it.

If that’s the dom­i­nant view, how can a state be made with­out sew­ers?

Well, the de­mo­c­ra­tic, po­lice and ju­di­cial mech­a­nisms must serve to fight them. But the sit­u­a­tion is that in gen­eral, so­ci­ety ac­cepts that sew­ers must exist. After our doc­u­men­tary, they ei­ther had to throw us or them in jail. But noth­ing has hap­pened, and Vil­larejo even turns out to be a nice guy.

Be­fore there was this hypocrisy, at least in pub­lic opin­ion, of ac­cept­ing that the sew­ers ex­isted but were kept quiet. But today there’s a scan­dal and every­thing stays the same. What has to change to make peo­ple react?

I think that it’s the re­sult of a long lack of a de­mo­c­ra­tic cul­ture. After the dic­ta­tor­ship, not only are there cer­tain ap­pa­ra­tuses of the state that have not been touched, but also the un­der­stand­ing that peo­ple have about what free­doms and democ­racy are is very lim­ited. This is the prob­lem, and we see it now with the Cata­lan issue. We tried to show the doc­u­men­tary about 1-O in Madrid and the man from the PP there comes out and says that it shouldn’t be shown. The same hap­pened with Julio Medem and La pelota Vasca. Be­fore it pre­miered it had al­ready been con­demned, be­cause it gave a voice to all par­ties in the con­flict. This should not hap­pen in a democ­racy. Some­one can re­lease their doc­u­men­tary and the man from the PP who doesn’t like it should have to show the footage from cam­eras on the po­lice hel­mets and try to show that the po­lice were the ones being at­tacked by our grand­par­ents and our chil­dren.

Why are there no doc­u­men­taries that show the op­po­site to yours?

Be­cause they can’t exist. It’s like the one on Sep­tem­ber 20. I find it hi­lar­i­ous that they tell me that the ones we make are “bi­ased”. I don’t know who they’re bi­ased to­wards, but then why don’t they do the same? Be­cause it’s about stop­ping ours from being seen. And here, be­yond the po­lit­i­cal stance, it’s about cen­sor­ship. It’s not about con­fronting and dis­cussing, the point is that you do not hear dif­fer­ent opin­ions. This is a very se­ri­ous issue.

But isn’t cen­sor­ing a doc­u­men­tary that can be up­loaded to YouTube a lit­tle like twen­ti­eth-cen­tury think­ing?

Yes, but in the end they get away with it. It’s not the same see­ing it at home on YouTube and talk­ing to your fam­ily about it as mak­ing it pos­si­ble to broad­cast it on tele­vi­sion, where it will have greater reper­cus­sions. There is free­dom of ex­pres­sion, but you don’t have a mi­cro­phone, which means that free­dom of ex­pres­sion is very lim­ited. Look at the scan­dal with the pro­gramme In­forme Se­m­anal and Jun­queras. We pre­vi­ously made a se­ries called Phi­los­o­phy in prison, and we went to prison and met pris­on­ers and they talked to the cam­era! And it’s al­ways been pos­si­ble to speak with pris­on­ers! In this case, the crit­i­cism is “How can you think about giv­ing a voice to some­one in prison?” Well we al­ways have. What do they want? They don’t want this voice to be heard.

The level of tol­er­ance in Spain with phe­nom­ena such as sew­ers or cen­sor­ship doesn’t seem to be ap­plic­a­ble to Cat­alo­nia. Are there dif­fer­ences be­tween Span­ish and Cata­lan pub­lic opin­ion?

Well, here we’ve had the so-called Cata­lan Oasis, and 3% and lots of other scan­dals...

Yes, but those scan­dals have led to the most re­spon­si­ble party dis­ap­pear­ing off the scene, for ex­am­ple.

What I mean is that we’re not that much more open and more de­mo­c­ra­tic than those in Spain. Yes, it is true that here there has been an evo­lu­tion that makes us focus on things more openly.

Even though it touches on other sub­jects, the doc­u­men­tary Les claveg­ueres d’In­te­rior was very much fo­cused on Cat­alo­nia. Now we see that no one comes out un­scathed. Is there any­one who can feel safe in Spain?

No­body can feel safe, but not just here, any­where in the world. Un­for­tu­nately, the sew­ers have now opened up and now every­thing is done openly, with ev­i­dence being in­vented as nec­es­sary. We have made a qual­i­ta­tive leap down­wards and the whole state ap­pa­ra­tus de­fends these po­si­tions by ap­peal­ing to ju­di­cial in­de­pen­dence when if jus­tice were in­de­pen­dent, they wouldn’t have done every­thing they’ve done up to now. It’s ob­vi­ous that they [the judges] are ei­ther being guided po­lit­i­cally by the gov­ern­ment or the party that was in gov­ern­ment, or im­pos­ing their own po­lit­i­cal and ide­o­log­i­cal be­liefs on legal re­al­ity. Now we’re mak­ing a doc­u­men­tary about the judges, and what do we find? If you re­mem­ber the doc­u­men­tary on 20-S, the for­mer con­sti­tu­tional court lawyer Joaquín Urías said that of 250 law pro­fes­sors, 240 say that the ac­cu­sa­tions do not hold up. We went to look for all of them. But even those who say that this is all non­sense add: “But, well, you know what these guys are like...” Why? Firstly, be­cause there is this huge ide­o­log­i­cal and po­lit­i­cal weight, and sec­ondly, be­cause the pres­sure is un­sus­tain­able, and we need to be aware of this. The pres­sure on the Span­ish peo­ple re­gard­ing the Cata­lan issue means that those who sym­pa­thise with us, whether de­moc­rats, or those that think we should have the right to vote or that the re­pres­sion on 1-O was bar­baric, do not dare to ex­press it. If you ex­press it every­one will jump on you, and that’s re­ally messed up.

Is that what can carry weight when re­con­sid­er­ing some po­si­tions of the pow­ers of the state re­gard­ing the ju­di­cial process?

I think the judg­ment is al­ready made. It’s just a mat­ter of pass­ing sen­tence. The point is that even if the PSOE wanted to do some­thing about it, the pres­sure being ex­erted by the PP, C’s and now Vox is suf­fo­cat­ing. The day Min­is­ter Celaá came out and re­vived the idea of the im­ages from Oc­to­ber 1 being false, why do that? Be­cause they have to prove they’re not on the other side. We have to be aware of these things.

Is the issue of the pris­on­ers and ju­di­cial con­se­quences the basic ob­sta­cle to a de­gree of de­tente?

Ab­solutely. But what’s also hap­pen­ing is that the greater the prob­lems are, the more ca­pac­ity is re­quired to face them. In this re­spect, the pris­on­ers can­not be­come the ex­cuse, be­cause what mat­ters is to see what con­crete ac­tions we are able to im­ple­ment to re­solve the prob­lem of the pris­on­ers, ei­ther be­fore, dur­ing or after the trial. I don’t un­der­stand why peo­ple say that at least there will be a gov­ern­ment until the sen­tence. How does that help? What fu­ture are you paint­ing? You’re lim­it­ing your­self with a date. What does it mean that if there is a harsh sen­tence you’ll call elec­tions? Don’t say it now, be­cause we’ll have to see at the time and on the basis of fifty thou­sand dif­fer­ent fac­tors. Be­cause, in ad­di­tion, I think it is then that we should go out onto the streets en masse, be­cause there will be in­ter­na­tional at­ten­tion and we’ll have to demon­strate that we don’t ac­cept the pan­tomime trial. But what hap­pens if peo­ple don’t come out? Then it means that you don’t have enough strength to call elec­tions and come out of it look­ing bet­ter than you do now. Be­cause let’s be hon­est and ac­knowl­edge that al­though 21-D was a great vic­tory within the frame­work that ex­isted, it is quite un­re­peat­able, be­cause, for ex­am­ple, it would be very dif­fi­cult to get that same turnout again. There­fore, be­fore point­ing to the fu­ture you have to analyse the spe­cific sit­u­a­tion.

Was So­raya Sáenz de San­ta­maría more right than it first ap­peared when she said that she had de­cap­i­tated the pro-in­de­pen­dence move­ment?

Yes, but apart from mak­ing So­raya and her plan re­spon­si­ble, that also means we’re very weak, if with ten fewer peo­ple there is no clar­ity, even though these peo­ple send mes­sages every day. I be­lieve that po­lit­i­cal re­spon­si­bil­ity in the face of so­ci­ety in­volves a level of moral au­thor­ity that does not exist any­more. Be­yond Puigde­mont, be­yond Jun­queras, this moral au­thor­ity does not exist, the one that would give the lead­ers the ca­pac­ity to mark the line be­yond their the­o­ret­i­cal po­si­tions. Now they look like a bunch of head­less chick­ens, often say­ing com­pletely con­tra­dic­tory things. Be­cause we are a serene peo­ple we put up with it all, and I don’t think that, de­spite this con­fu­sion, peo­ple will be de­mo­bilised. But if this sit­u­a­tion gets any worse we will even­tu­ally have de­mo­bil­i­sa­tion.

Has the change of gov­ern­ment in Madrid changed any­thing or does this pres­sure that you men­tioned, this sur­veil­lance the PSOE is sub­ject to, make progress im­pos­si­ble?

The change of gov­ern­ment opens up some doors that were not open be­fore. We must ap­proach these doors in­tel­li­gently, mak­ing lit­tle noise, and ne­go­ti­ate things and ne­go­ti­ate them se­ri­ously, and also ne­go­ti­ate things we can ne­go­ti­ate on and de­liver po­lit­i­cal out­comes for. Be­cause, what is more, they do not have any. Pedro Sánchez came here as a re­place­ment, even within his own party. Po­lit­i­cal in­tel­li­gence also de­pends on giv­ing Sánchez ways out, not ul­ti­ma­tums. This is a slow process, and when I say slow or dis­creet I don’t mean: “Well, let’s see what hap­pens”, but rather con­crete pro­pos­als need to be taken be­yond the ref­er­en­dum prob­lem. We have to get back the laws that were taken away by the con­sti­tu­tional court, the PP’s labour laws can be done away with, the gag­ging law... In all of this, we must be the main dri­vers, be­cause then we will also teach the Span­ish that we also want to build a bet­ter so­ci­ety. It’s not that the Cata­lans are bet­ter look­ing, but rather that we have a plan for our coun­try, where it func­tions in a cer­tain way so­cially. What is in the­ory more ad­vanced here, at least in the leg­isla­tive sphere, is what we have to teach them. We will not win ma­jori­ties here or a cer­tain de­gree of com­plic­ity there if we are not ca­pa­ble of doing that. What is Spain’s prob­lem? Spain’s prob­lem is that it has no plan.

Spain doesn’t have a plan for Cat­alo­nia or for it­self?

It doesn’t have one for Spain! How do I un­der­stand gov­er­nance? It’s not just about de­fend­ing the gen­eral in­ter­est, but rather telling peo­ple “We’re going in this di­rec­tion” and our plan for 2025 or 2030 is to have A, B, C and D. That doesn’t exist in Spain, it’s a coun­try that takes one day at a time. I’m not pro-in­de­pen­dence, but I recog­nise that at least the pro-in­de­pen­dence move­ment has built a nar­ra­tive and said that the goal is not only in­de­pen­dence, but cer­tain el­e­ments that form part of that. This is what drags peo­ple away. Peo­ple haven’t seen the light from one day to the next, rather there’s a plan. But we must also bear in mind that peo­ple can­not be mo­bi­lized in­def­i­nitely. When you crash against the wall, and that’s the first issue that needs to be ac­knowl­edged, you have to look at how to re­build the sit­u­a­tion. You can’t think noth­ing’s hap­pened here and peo­ple will con­tinue to come out every time they’re called to.

And fi­nally, as a pro­fes­sional in the world of com­mu­ni­ca­tion, what ad­vice would give the reader in a world of too much in­for­ma­tion?

That so much in­for­ma­tion ac­tu­ally al­lows us is ac­cess to many things. So you have to read many dif­fer­ent things, trust in few and cre­ate some sort of cri­te­ria. Al­though Twit­ter and the so­cial net­works are doing a lot of dam­age. There­fore, read a lot and be thought­ful and se­lec­tive.

in­ter­view

in­ter­view

The success of constant struggle The documentary as a tool

Jaume Roures i Llop (Barcelona, 1950) views the world from the great platform of Mediapro, which he founded in 1994, and Imagina Media Audiovisual. Known to the public as a producer of Woody Allen films and as the figure who controls the television rights for major sports, he started his professional career with TV3. From 1983 onwards, he was the head of the news department, and from 1986, head of sports productions, where he met his main business partner, Tatxo Benet. In addition to the Mediapro empire (whose main stakeholder has been a Chinese group for a few months now) he has promoted, among others, La Sexta (2006), Gol TV and the newspaper Público (2007). Politically (his origins lie in the anti-Franco struggle based on Trotskyism), as a leading figure in the Revolutionary Communist League, he was sent to prison several times during the seventies. He does not consider himself pro-independence, but he is in favour of a referendum on self-determination.

The Catalan process would not be seen in the same way (or at least there would be no opportunity to see it in a different way), without the information presented in the documentaries directed and produced by Jaume Roures. Months before Catalan politics speeded up events, Roures directed the documentary Les clavegueres d’Interior, which lifts the lids on the state sewers in a rigorously documented manner. The events of last autumn have also generated two documentaries, 20-S and 1-O (this last one directed by Lluís Arcarazo), which disassemble the judicial fiction cobbled together by the Spanish state.

Sign in. Sign in if you are already a verified reader. I want to become verified reader. To leave comments on the website you must be a verified reader.
Note: To leave comments on the website you must be a verified reader and accept the conditions of use.