To the polls
How the Catalan political scene stands as sovereigntists and unionists prepare for battle on 27-S
With the elections fast approaching, the battle lines have been drawn: the candidates have been chosen, the electoral aims are clear, the polling stations are being prepared, and Catalonia stands at the threshold of a historic moment, however things might turn out on September 27.
For those in favour of the country's independence, the main objective is to turn the Catalan elections into a plebiscite, as a substitute for the referendum on the right to decide that the central government refused to even consider. Meanwhile, for those in favour of remaining part of Spain, the elections are an opportunity to put the issue of independence to bed and configure a different type of relationship with the state. At the same time, as with any election, each of the political parties has its own priorities in winning support and moving closer to control of the Generalitat.
Yet the momentous nature of these elections as part of an ongoing sovereignty process means that the political landscape is different than it would otherwise have been. In particular, the independence parties have taken something of a back seat, joining lists topped by civic candidates in order to emphasise the plebiscite nature of the elections in the hope that victory will be enough to trigger a process towards independence with democratic legitimacy.
Junts pel Sí
Convergència (CDC), Esquerra Republicana (ERC) and the main civic organisations supporting independence together make up this electoral list headed by former MEP, Raül Romeva. The aim of the candidacy is to reduce the elections to the single issue of independence, with victory providing the democratic legitimacy required to begin a process of secession that could take up to 18 months to complete. The idea is to form a national unity government following the elections that will begin to set up state structures, while a nominal declaration of independence would announce Catalonia's intentions to the international community. Once the process of secession is complete, constituent elections would then be held with the parties standing on their own. CDC and ERC have already agreed that Artur Mas would continue as president, although certain statements made by Romeva have cast doubt on this scenario. What's more, it is still not known whether the CUP party will back Mas as president, despite the sovereigntists pledging cooperation with their fellow supporters of independence on the Junts pel Sí list. Behind Romeva on the list is former ANC president Carme Forcadell, Òmnium Cultural president Muriel Casals, with CDC and ERC leaders Mas and Oriol Junqueras, followed by a number of public figures and celebrities, such as Lluís Llach and Germà Bel. The agreement that led to the Junts pel Sí candidacy was unexpected, as it looked as if Mas and Junqueras would be incapable of putting their partisan interests to one side for the sake of cross-party support for independence.
CUP
Despite being a key element in the cross-party talks that led to the Junts pel Sí candidacy, CUP has decided to stand alone in the elections, albeit also on a sovereignty platform. Antonio Baños is the candidate that tops the CUP electoral list, support for which the party hopes will increase their seats from the three they currently have in the Catalan parliament. Baños has his work cut out substituting the popular figure of David Fernàndez, although CUP's message will continue to stress the need for social change as part of a new state. It is for this reason that the party puts as much emphasis on the constituent elections set to follow any declaration of independence as those on September 27. One of the unknowns is whether CUP can attract votes away from the Sí que es Pot group by providing a legitimate leftwing alternative.
Sí que es Pot
fter the success of the coalition headed by Ada Colau in Barcelona and Manuela Carmena in Madrid in May's local elections, Podemos has joined forces with ICV and EUiA to provide an alternative coalition force to the Junts pel Sí group. Topping the list is the veteran activist Lluís Rabell, president of the Federació d'Associacions de Veïns de Barcelona, although the name of Procés Constituent's Arcadi Oliveres has also come up. Sí que es Pot presents itself as a leftwing alternative to the Mas government and holds that the 27-S elections are not a referendum on sovereignty but rather a struggle between the established political powers -who they blame for the cuts- and the working class. As for the right to decide issue, the leftwing coalition favours a referendum agreed with the Spanish government, which it claims the majority of the public –more than 80%– also support. However, Rabell does not have the same charisma as Colau, which could prove to be a handicap.
PSC
One of the traditional political forces of Catalan politics, the socialists will just be hoping to get through these elections in one piece, although they also trust in leader Miquel Iceta's profile and experience to win them back some support. Within the context of the process, PSC favours constitutional reform to improve relations between Catalonia and the state and predicts that victory for Pedro Sánchez in the upcoming general elections will radically change the whole situation.
Unlike in 2012, PSC's electoral programme has no reference to support a referendum agreed with the central government. At the beginning of August, in a letter to activists, Iceta outlined some of the party's aims during the campaign: “We want a better Catalonia, capable of strengthening self-government, of promoting our plural identity, as the Catalan language and culture are treasures to preserve and promote, and of defending our economic interests and our natural heritage.”
Unió
One consequence of the independence process was the break-up of the CiU coalition, with Unió and Convergència going their separate ways. Unió will now stand alone for the first time, on a ticket of “common sense” (seny) as a counterweight to the Junts pel Sí option. While the party is led by Josep Antoni Duran i Lleida, former Catalan interior minister, Ramon Espadaler, will be the visible party head during the campaign, promoting an argument that focuses on “dialogue” with the state to resolve the current political impasse. Espadaler, who will stand with former head Catalan public prosecutor, Martín Rodríguez-Sol, has already said that he will not back any president in favour of “independence”, in other words, Mas. UDC's aim is to achieve its own group in the Catalan parliament –requiring a minimum of five seats– in order to have a say in the country's political future.
PP
The Partit Popular has opted for former Badalona mayor Xavier García Albiol instead of Alícia Sánchez-Camacho to spearhead its candidacy, and the party hopes it can defy expectations of becoming marginalised as a force in Catalan politics. However, the change to García Albiol means the Catalan branch of Mariano Rajoy's party has made a significant shift further to the right. García Albiol is not one to hold his tongue when it comes to delicate social issues, often overstepping the mark and attracting accusations of xenophobia and racism during his time in charge of Badalona. Above all, PP hopes to stop the rise of Ciutadans with a hardline unionist stance, while refusing to even accept the plebiscite claims for the 27-S elections. Yet, the choice of García Albiol suggests that the party does recognise the threat posed by the sovereignty movement in choosing a candidate that has publicly spoken against independence.
Ciutadans
While party leader Albert Rivera focuses on Madrid and will not stand in the Catalan elections, his place has been taken by debutant Inés Arrimadas, who it is hoped can provide a fresh young face to the party's campaign, much in the same way as Rivera himself did back in 2006. Ciutadans hope to displace PP in Catalan politics, although the party has also hinted at the possibility of working with PP and PSC to prevent the independence parties from governing.