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Consolidated...what?

Spain spends a lot of money on in­ter­na­tional cam­paigns to make it be­lieve that it is a con­sol­i­dated democ­racy. How­ever, it is in­creas­ingly re­sem­bling a dic­ta­tor­ship. In the elec­tions to the Par­lia­ment of Cat­alo­nia of De­cem­ber 21, 2017, the pro-in­de­pen­dence par­ties won de­spite the harsh cam­paign by Spain. But it used its courts to pre­vent the ap­point­ment of a pres­i­dent who had been elected at the bal­lot box. Lately, it has re­sorted to an ad­min­is­tra­tive body, such as the Cen­tral Elec­toral Board, to re­move pres­i­dent Torra for de­fend­ing the po­lit­i­cal pris­on­ers and not sub­mit­ting to Spain’s ar­bi­trary dic­tates, fi­nally lead­ing to new elec­tions.

On the other hand, in March, 4.5 mil­lion euro bail was im­posed on two for­mer high of­fi­cials of the Cata­lan gov­ern­ment in 2017 for al­legedly spend­ing pub­lic money on the Oc­to­ber 1 ref­er­en­dum. This was when bail had al­ready been placed in an­other trial for the same rea­son. Yet, the then Span­ish fi­nance min­is­ter said that the Cata­lan gov­ern­ment had not spent a penny on the ref­er­en­dum. And he could guar­an­tee it be­cause the Cata­lan gov­ern­ment’s fi­nances were taken over by Madrid, which re­mains to this day. In ad­di­tion, it must be re­mem­bered that the King­dom of Spain rat­i­fied the Char­ter of the United Na­tions and the in­ter­na­tional covenants where the right of peo­ples to self-de­ter­mi­na­tion is en­shrined, and the Span­ish Con­sti­tu­tion in Ar­ti­cles 10.2 and 96 obliges re­spect for rat­i­fied in­ter­na­tional agree­ments.

All this con­trasts with the news pub­lished in news­pa­pers such as The Tele­graph in March about €65 mil­lion in sup­posed com­mis­sions paid to Emer­i­tus King Juan Car­los and hid­den in tax havens. Still, no Span­ish court has yet in­ves­ti­gated it, and in the Span­ish par­lia­ment the ma­jor­ity po­lit­i­cal par­ties, both right and left, blocked the pro­posed in­quiry com­mit­tee.

And not only have the Span­ish courts en­gaged in law­fare against Cata­lan in­de­pen­den­tists, but also the new Span­ish gov­ern­ment has con­tin­ued the pro­ject of liq­ui­dat­ing Cat­alo­nia’s al­ready mea­gre au­ton­omy. Thus, the new gov­ern­ment took ad­van­tage of the Covid-19 cri­sis to snatch up the Cata­lan gov­ern­ment’s health and pub­lic safety re­spon­si­bil­i­ties, while the Span­ish gov­ern­ment did not im­ple­ment the mea­sures ad­vo­cated by most ex­perts in time.

In this con­text, de­spite the Span­ish diplo­matic pres­sure in re­cent years, nu­mer­ous in­ter­na­tional and par­lia­men­tary bod­ies have been crit­i­cal of Spain in re­la­tion to Cat­alo­nia. Thus, in March, the United Na­tions Spe­cial Rap­por­teur on mi­nor­ity is­sues, Fer­nand de Varennes, after vis­it­ing Spain, made an ex­tremely crit­i­cal re­port. The re­port recog­nises that in Spain, Basque and Cata­lan are na­tional mi­nori­ties to be treated as such. He “re­ceived re­ports of an ap­par­ent in­crease in hate speech, vil­i­fi­ca­tion, van­dal­ism, phys­i­cal threats and even as­saults against mem­bers of the Cata­lan mi­nor­ity” and ex­plains that “some re­ports sug­gest that au­thor­i­ties are not suf­fi­ciently re­spond­ing to or pros­e­cut­ing these al­le­ga­tions”. He also states that “non-vi­o­lent po­lit­i­cal dis­sent” should not be pros­e­cuted on “crim­i­nal charges”.

De­spite the Span­ish re­pres­sion in Cat­alo­nia, the in­de­pen­dence move­ment is alive. Thus, at the end of Feb­ru­ary, about 200,000 peo­ple gath­ered in Per­pig­nan for an event pro­moted by the Coun­cil for the Cata­lan Re­pub­lic. The Cata­lan Re­pub­lic was pro­claimed on Oc­to­ber 27, 2017, and it is not yet ef­fec­tive, but often the processes of na­tional lib­er­a­tion is not lin­ear. It should be re­mem­bered that Es­to­nia pro­claimed in­de­pen­dence in 1988, but the restora­tion of Es­ton­ian in­de­pen­dence did not take place until 1991.

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